However, Blount’s full trial was never held in the Senate. In 1795, the market for western lands collapsed, and land prices plummeted. Putnam’s Sons, 1896), 143-47. [18] Prior to ratification of the Constitution, James Wilkinson participated with many local veterans in the so-called 1788 “Spanish Conspiracy” with a goal of establishing an independent western republic allied with Spain, going so far as swearing allegiance to the Spanish Crown. The Impeachment of William Blount The first attempt at impeachment adds to the case against a time limit as the person in question, William Blount, … Military defeats made Blount’s policies, in his dual role as Superintendent of Indian Affairs and Governor, precarious. Jefferson and Madison were referring to the Senate’s first impeachment trial involving former Senator William Blount [18]. [39]Gerald H. Clarfield, Timothy Pickering and American Diplomacy (Columbia, MO: University of Missouri Press, 1969), 132. (New York: Citadel Press, 1969), 2: 1442. After three days of argument, the Senate met behind closed doors in January 1799 to deliberate and to vote on two resolutions. (Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1850-56), 2: 536. Blount had previously shown interest in political office in 1779, when he ran for the Assembly against Richard Dobbs Spraight, coincidentally later a fellow delegate to the 1787 Constitutional Convention; however, the election was declared illegal as both candidates strongly advocated dishonest voting. The case was dismissed and the trial brought to an end on January 14, 1799. In a narrow vote, the Senate defeated a resolution that asserted William Blount was an impeachable officer. [31] Blount sounded out his regional cohorts with his grand plan which was “on a much larger Scale” than the one first proposed by Chisholm. The Senate had expelled Blount for “high misdemeanor.” Blount was ordered to appear before a … He was, however, a ‘republican;’ one whose vote had always been found, on party questions, among the opponents of the administration.”[50], The repercussions of Blount’s exploits and the impeachment hearings did not fade upon his passing. (Wilmington, DE: Michael Glazier, Inc., 1977), 1: 105-108. King Gustav III of Sweden: Friendly Foe of the United States, Thomas Read of Delaware, Part 1: The Creation of the Continental Navy. [9]Abigail Adams to Mary Smith Cranch, July 6, 1797 in Stewart Mitchell, ed., New Letters of Abigail Adams 1788-1801 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1947), 100. According to Buckner F. Melton, Jr., Blount displayed “a shrewdness and a degree of self-interest that would continue to rival his loyalty to the established political regime” with these traits growing “even stronger with time.”[3] John C. Miller contends that Blount was originally “a Federalist who had become rich by using political office to further his business interests.”[4] William H. Masterson echoes this belief that “his first army office, political place and power were to Blount the handmaidens of business power” and “he was a businessman in politics for business.”[5] Arthur Preston Whitaker labels Blount “literally a land-jobber.”[6] Andrew R. L. Cayton feels that “it was the pursuit of personal profit that gave” Blount “the direction for his life and “ordered the rest of his existence” with his “eyes always on the bottom line.”[7] One biographical work makes a weak attempt to vindicate or excuse Blount from the conspiracy that bears his name. (HeinOnline), 7 Annals of Cong. He was appointed governor of Tenessee in 1790 by George Washington and later became one of the two senators of Tennessee when it entered the Union in 1796 (Romney, 2017). By the time of his 1793 Proclamation, Blount, and thousands living in the territory, concluded that the federal government “was not in a position to be realistic about, even if it had accurately been informed of, actual conditions on the Southwestern frontier.”[22] To Blount and other influential territorial individuals the “federal government in Philadelphia was a remote, impersonal operation that not only failed to assist the beleaguered westerners,” but it also consistently “disgraced itself abroad by consenting to treaties that negated American commercial rights or land claims” with an ultimate result of “humiliating a proud and free people.”[23] Blount’s political alliances shifted to the expanding Republican Party under Thomas Jefferson, but his primary loyalties never wavered from his family and their quest for wealth. Although the Blount family used every opportunity to enrich themselves using Blount’s position, Blount functioned in a strong manner to carry out the orders arriving from the capital in Philadelphia. Thus, in any impeachment trial of an officer who is not president, the vice president may preside. Blount has a few things in common with Trump. Experts say it's a blueprint for handling Trump. The second resolution passed, 14-11, on January 11, 1799: The court is of opinion that the matter alleged in the plea of the defendant is sufficient in law to show that this court ought not to hold jurisdiction of the said impeachment, and that the said impeachment is dismissed. The Northwest Land Ordinance mandated that before statehood, a territory must be governed by five presidentially-appointed federal officials: a governor, a secretary, and three judges. On December 21, 1798, Congressman Robert Harper of South Carolina contended that Blount’s reputation, “a man’s dearest possession,” and that of the United States were both in jeopardy. The majority of John Adams’ administration was engrossed, to a degree unequaled in the majority of American presidencies, with a single ongoing problem: a crisis in foreign relationships. [16]William Blount to John Gray Blount, 26 June 1790 in Alice Barnwell Keith, ed., The John Gray Blount Papers 1764-1795, 2 vols. [4]John C. Miller, The Federalist Era 1789-1801 (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1960), 189. 3 (April 1905), 576-577. If you continue with this browser, you may see unexpected results. [32] In return for its support, Britain was offered the seized territory and New Orleans would be declared a free port open for unrestricted use by interests such as those of Blount and his confederates. [19]A.P. [6]Arthur Preston Whitaker, The Mississippi Question 1795-1803: A Study in Trade, Politics, and Diplomacy (Gloucester, MA: Peter Smith, 1962), 106-107. The House managers questioned whether the trial could go forward without the attendance of the impeached official, but the Senate decided to proceed, allowing Blount's attorneys to appear on his behalf. [44] By July 6, Blount’s position was quickly failing as any attempts to delay the inevitable impeachment process had ended. The very next day, the Senate voted to expel him by 25 to 1. Senator James Bayard of Delaware asserted on January 3, 1799 that the subject of “impeachment . Blount was, in this respect, no different from many others. 2245-2246 (1798-99): Impeachment of William Blount, Senator of the United States, for Misdemeanor. Blount’s guilt was no longer a question for anyone; instead the question was “if the dignity of the government required him to be present for his trial in the Senate,” as the very honor of the country and the legitimacy of the Constitution had been wounded. 2245-2246 (1798-99): Impeachment of William Blount, Senator of the United States, for Misdemeanor. While the grounds for the Senate's conclusion that it lacked jurisdiction remain unclear, the Senate's action in the Blount case has been interpreted to mean that a Senator cannot be impeached. It is ironic that Blount himself provided the crucial piece of incriminating evidence proving that there was truth to the conspiratorial rumors that spread throughout the Territory and the eastern United States. Blount at first tried to leave town, but on July 6, 1797, he complied with an order of the Senate to submit to questioning about the letter that had exposed the conspiracy. In the Senate, the special topic was if a senator was an officer to the government and, therefore, subject to impeachment for his actions, the same worry as to the stateliness of the national government that had repeatedly materialized within its members’ debates. Congressman Drayton visited New Orleans in July of 1803 and consequently favored the United States purchase of the Louisiana Territory following his return to the capital. From a prominent and influential Southern colonial-era family, he was an unremarkable member of his state’s House of Commons and later the state’s Senate. When the court reconvened on 3 Jan. 1799, TJ took the prescribed oath and presided at the trial. . Washington’s letter undoubtedly portrayed the deep emotions of many Americans with the feelings of betrayal as Americans rather than as members of one particular political party or another. From his boyhood, Blount and his brothers “were accustomed to versatility of enterprise.” As with many rural Southern families, the Blounts were integrally linked economically, commercially, and socially with their relatives and they “acted in concert with a constant family interest.”[10]. 8 Annals of Cong. The dominant Federalists mainly took the Hamiltonian viewpoint that “all was granted except that which was denied” while the Republicans contended all to “be prohibited which was not expressly granted.”[43] Whether Blount’s reckless actions were private or public and if they were in any form related to duties as a federal senator required debate and scrutiny. On April 21, 1797 he wrote a detailed letter to longtime friend and Indian interpreter James Carey at Col. James King’s Iron Works in Tennessee. The Spaniards will certainly be more safe, quiet and useful neighbors. Blount confessed, “Among other things I wished to have seen you about, was the business Captain Chesholm mentioned to the British Minister last Winter in Philadelphia.” He felt that “the plan then talked of will be attempted this fall; and if it is attempted, it will be in a much larger way than then talked of; and if the Indians act their part, I have no doubt but it will succeed.” Blount provided his future prosecutors with the confession they required for “high crimes and misdemeanors” with his own ill-conceived words: “A man of consequence has gone to England about the business, and if he makes the arrangements as he expects, I shall myself have a hand in the business, and probably shall be at the head of the business on the part of the British.” He admitted to Carey “that it was not yet certain that the plan will be attempted; yet, you will do well to keep things in a proper train of action, in case it should be attempted, and to do so will require all of your management,” Carey ultimately did not heed Blount’s cautious warning that “he must take care, in whatever you say to Rogers, or any body else, not to let the plan be discovered by Hawkins, Dinsmore, Byers, or any other person in the interest of the United States or Spain.”[33], Blount realized the seriousness of the incriminating letter, but felt that Carey could be completely trusted in both his loyalty and judgment. There are two instances in which the Senate held impeachment trials for officials after they had left office — Senator William Blount in 1797 and Secretary of … In his famous correspondence with Jefferson, Adams wondered about, “The escape of Governor Blount” and that there was “something in this Country too deep for me to sound.” He had wondered, “Is a President of the United States to be Subject to a private Action of every Individual?”[53] Adams seemed always to believe that “Blount was able to escape with impunity.” In reviewing propositions for amending the Constitution in 1808, he commented that it was “fully proven” that Blount had tried “to dismember the empire, and carry of an immense portion of it to a foreign domination.” He bemoaned that for the legal process, “much time was consumed, and how much debate excited, before that important subject could be decided! In 1797, the House impeached Sen. William Blount, and in 1876 the House impeached Secretary of War William Belknap. In January 1798, the House began impeachment proceedings, approving five articles of impeachment and selecting 11 members as impeachment managers to present the House's case in the trial in the Senate. . Also, the facts in the Blount case were very different than those likely presented in President Trump’s second impeachment process. The first impeachment in history, that of Sen. William Blount, is also similar but resulted in a different outcome. [45] It is ironic that Blount triumphantly, in the eyes of his Southwestern supporters, managed to continually insult the honor and dignity of the United States whose governance he sought to establish and promote in Tennessee. Simultaneously, downstairs in Philadelphia’s Congress hall, the House of Representatives immediately formed a committee to investigate the entire matter. In late 1796 Chisholm, a confidant of Blount who detested the Spanish because of his imprisonment in Pensacola, approached British Minister Robert Liston in Philadelphia with his grand aspirations, primarily an assault on Spanish West Florida. [27]Thomas Jefferson to Robert Livingston, April 18, 1802 in Paul Leicester Ford, ed., The Writings of Thomas Jefferson (New York: G.P. This requested support was in the form of warships and military supplies; the project would be aided by Blount’s sympathetic Native American allies. [32]Declaration of John D. Chisholm to Rufus King, November 29, 1797 in Turner, “Documents,” 599-600. [3]Buckner F. Melton, Jr., The First Impeachment: The Constitution’s Framers and the Case of Senator William Blount (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1998), 63. Blount’s career of public service was almost continuous from 1777 until the end of his life in 1800. From the various plots, conspiracies and general discord in the region, European colonial powers stood to benefit with opportunities to expand or better secure their empires. The Constitution signer who was impeached and expelled. Much of this land was bought on credit, pushing the family deeply into debt. Adams queried Attorney General Charles Lee for his official opinion on the Blount matter as the facts quickly began to solidify. In a fourth impeachment case, the nation’s first, Sen. William Blount of Tennessee’s charges were dismissed for want of jurisdiction because … The galleys had been ordered to fire only half-charges from the bow guns ostensibly to conserve ammunition. Concerning Blount, Adams took evils, such as political opportunism and factionalism, literally, and with him they amounted “to an obsession.” Upon his inauguration to the presidency, Adams brought a long public career, “devoid of Political experience, a detestation of political parties—Federalist and Republican alike—and a deep suspicion of the great European powers.”[37] These are the views that Adams brought to the table as the Blount Conspiracy quickly unfolded during the beginning of his administration. Blount represented North Carolina at the 1787 convention in Philadelphia and said little … For more information, see: The United States Senate Art & History, The First Impeachment, 8 Annals of Cong. William Blount. As one of Tennessee’s first federal senators, Blount finally achieved historical immortality, but for reasons he did not originally envision. [25]Hoffman & Albert, Extended Republic, 171. (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1931-44), 36: 8. Unfortunately they engaged the Roebuck from too far a distance and most of…, Col. Johann von Loos camp at Wilmington can been seen in the Hessian archives. Journal of the American Revolution also produces annual hardcover volumes, a branded book series, and the podcast, Dispatches. He once lost a state election and challenged the result, claiming fraud. Members of Congress are instead expelled by a vote of two-thirds of the membership of their body. Lee requested assistance from the United States attorney in Philadelphia, William Rawle, and prominent Federalist William Lewis. And the Senate expelled the senator on July 8. [47]Hoffman and Albert, Extended Republic, 82. Blount’s flouting the national government’s authority by fleeing to Tennessee, and refusing to return to Philadelphia, was a challenge to Congress. Blount’s deeds united, although briefly, many Congressmen of both parties. Blount had quickly reconsidered his actions and returned to Philadelphia within a day to personally witness the first practical Congressional impeachment discussions. Blount, as the original “wheeling and dealing, land speculating, sharp-nosed manipulator, politician and financier” knew how to attain what he wanted, usually employing “the shortest route.”[14] Blount seemingly grabbed the governorship (along with the title of Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Southern Department) easily from President Washington by convincing a number of influential associates to intercede with the president on his behalf. Blount may have achieved further political preferment within his home state, his and his family’s vast fortune was substantially reduced. Months later, the impeachment trial was stopped when a … For the next eighteen months, Blount and his actions consumed the Congress. The first person to be impeached was Tennessee Senator William Blount in 1798. Native American interpreter John Rogers, Former Congressman Benjamin Hawkins and the new Indian Superintendent, Silas Dinsmore, and Federal Government sutler/agent James Byers. You will see all the mischief to be apprehended in such an event. To counter the corruptive regional influence of Blount, Washington commissioned Wilkinson as a regular army brigadier general, countering Blount’s power while concurrently maintaining Wilkinson under observation. For her own sake Spain should absolutely refuse to make these cessions.[28]. (1797-98) (HeinOnline) (use the index volumes to find proceedings prior to Blount's impeachment), 8 Annals of Cong. Basically, there would be a three-pronged offensive on Spain’s Southwest empire: the first thrust would utilize men “collected on the Frontiers of New York and Pensylvania” instructed to “attack New Madrid [in present-day Missouri], leave a Garrison in it, and proceed to the Head of the Red River and take possession of the Silver Mines;” the second attack, commanded personally by Blount, was to use men from Tennessee and Kentucky, “with those of the Natchez and Choctaws” to seize New Orleans; and the last, under Chisholm, consisting “of the Cherokees and the Creeks with the white men of Florida” would take Pensacola. The Senate voted to expel him in July 1797, but because of the gravity of the charges Congress continued to investigate the matter.
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